Thursday, March 4, 2021

Old Stories from Jakarta

Jakarta's population continues to grow explosively. In 1900, when the name was still Batavia, the population was only 150,000. The Dutch East Indies ruler built city facilities and infrastructure according to the needs of this many citizens. Highways and bridges, sanitation systems, and canals, especially. To this day this infrastructure is generally still functioning properly and remains a mainstay even though the population has multiplied.

When Indonesia became independent in 1945 the citizens of Jakarta had already reached 623,343, or more than four times more. Apart from natural growth, urbanization is the cause. In the Japanese era the economy was so difficult — mainly due to the uniformity of compulsory crops and the people's company — that many local people went to the capital to try their luck. In Jakarta, some of them become hooligans who live under bridges and in front of shops.

In 1949, when the Republic of Indonesia was fully sovereign, that figure had already become 1.34 million. Jakarta, which has returned to being the capital, replacing Yogyakarta, is visited by migrants and refugees. Henceforth, refugees continued to flow due to the upheaval that occurred in a number of areas, especially West Java where the Darul Islam / Indonesian Islamic Army-DI / TII-launched separatist actions.

When Soekarno announced a Presidential Decree (5 July 1959) to take full power of the state from the hands of the parliamentary cabinet government, the population of Jakarta had become 2.8 million. This figure became 3.6 million when the proclaimer had almost tipped over in 1966. Apart from the natural growth of urbanization, it was the cause of the 800,000 population growth when Soekarno became the sole ruler of this country.

To welcome the two great sports parties in 1962, the Asian Games and the Games of The New Emerging Forces (Ganefo, a match for the Olympics), the government built a number of giant infrastructures at the same time in the capital. These include the Senayan sports complex, Hotel Indonesia, and the Semanggi Bridge.

The Thamrin-Sudirman-Grogol road section has also been widened so that it becomes what we see today. A lot of labor is required for this gigantic project. Migrants also come to become construction workers and support workers. Also to be a seller of food, coffee and cigarettes.

Soekarno finally collapsed following the September 30, 1965 incident. Suharto became his successor since March 12, 1967. The former Kostrad commander was in power until May 21, 1998. During his 32 years as head of state he witnessed the growth of Indonesia's population which continued to grow. The declaration of the family planning program that he carried out in the late 1970s could not put the brakes on the already high rate of population growth. In 1998 the population of Indonesia was 203 as well. Jakarta has a population of 7.8 million.

Since the New Order era, Jakarta has established itself as the most populous city in the country by leaving other cities, including Surabaya, which in the Dutch East Indies era, before the port of Tanjung Priok was excavated so that it was no longer shallow, was the largest in the archipelago. The reason for this was the political economy policies imposed by the Soeharto government.

Once in power, General Soeharto deconstructed Soekarno's policies, especially those related to foreign policy and development strategies. He embraced the Western camp who had long been enemies of Soekarno and made them the main mentors and partners.

As recommended by US-educated technocrats — it was later called: Mafia Barkley — the New Order launched a development strategy oriented towards modernity. In essence, Indonesia's agricultural country must quickly be transformed into an industrial country. So, modern factories must be presented. It is foreign investors who are most likely to do that.

Soekarno often said loudly "go to hell with your aid" to Western countries who tried to get closer. Soeharto was the opposite: he opened the door wide. Still at the beginning of his power in 1967, he stimulated foreign investors by enacting the Foreign Investment Law. The US, UK, Japan and others entered soon. The first two have penetrated the world of mining (located outside Java Island), while Japan manufactures, especially motor vehicles.

The New Order then declared what it called a development trilogy. The trilogy, according to priority, is: economic growth, security stability, and equitable distribution of development results. That is, economic growth must be boosted first. In order for the economy to run smoothly, security stability must be maintained.

Like a tree, that development will bear fruit. To all Indonesian people the fruit will be distributed evenly. In fact, during its 32 years in power, growth and security stability were always guarded by the New Order, while equity tended to be utopian.

The presence of foreign investors since the early days of the New Order made Jakarta squirm. It is in this capital that they set up a head office for the Indonesian region even though the production process is outside Java Island. Western countries have also opened their embassies on Betawi lands.

The New Order government was very Jakarta centric. Taxes including those from foreign corporations and domestic companies (BUMN-BUMD and private) are all drawn to the center. The regions then receive an allocation according to an allocation approved by Bappenas and the Ministry of Finance.

It is not only state money that is regulated by Jakarta, but also people who should become officials in the regions. This privilege is of course very beneficial for the capital. Naturally, his progress in all fields quickly surpassed other provinces.

In the early 1970's, the global oil price suddenly jumped. As the main oil exporting country joining OPEC, Indonesia has received a huge windfall. Jakarta is much more successful. The development that was very intense in the second half of Ali Sadikin's governorate (he led Jakarta in 1966-1977) was inseparable from the oil bonanza.

Where there is sugar there are ants, the saying goes. Jakarta too. The fast economic growth during the oil provision has accelerated the flow of urbanization in the capital city. Urban problems have also increased because the distribution of development results as mandated by the trilogy has not occurred. Jakarta, on the other hand, is also the center of poverty, disease, crime (including crime and corruption), and prostitution in the country.

It is the Jakarta elite who enjoy the fruits of development and the ever-growing foreign loans. They are bureaucrats and military in decisive positions as well as businessmen connected to the authorities. As an illustration, in Jakarta, for example, an increase in state income of only 1.5% is enjoyed by 10% of the population with the lowest socio-economic status; while those who were labeled as 10% had the highest income of 43.4%.

These officials, as expressed by the sociologist Hans-Dieter Evans (Urban Sociology, LP3ES, 1995), are corrupt massively. They launder state money by investing it in a lucrative sector. They hunt for land and build property. Initially they bought land in the suburbs of Jakarta and in the regions. Recently, they have become increasingly daring to invest in Jakarta by buying land and building properties (hotels, luxury private houses which are then usually rented out to expats, villas, and other resting places.

The purchase of rice fields by bureaucratic and military officials has raised its own problems. The farmers who own the land and their laborers are then evicted from the land they have been searching for for a long time. To the city they turned, especially to sparkling Jakarta.

Prior to 1970 Indonesia's main exports were products from labor-intensive fields: agriculture and plantations. In 1974-1976, at the height of the oil boom, our country's exports of 85% came from extractive fields, namely oil, gas and mineral mining. This industry is capital intensive, not labor intensive. As a result, the traditional jobs of the people that were held by the villagers were lost. Urbanization is the impact. Jakarta, which has become a real metropolis, remains its source.

These migrants are among the less educated. Even if they have expertise, their skills are not far from land and marine cultivation. In Jakarta they face a harsh reality: The capital is much more violent than the stepmother. The industrial world does not need people who are not school products. To become an opas, clerk, and an office boy, it is necessary to have a qualification or an izajah at least from high school.

So, if you are lucky, the men who attend low school will become construction workers, pedicab drivers, or hawkers. If their luck is far away, they will most likely become scavengers, beggars, or street singers. Jakartans call it 'gembel'. The women can become babu (domestic servants) or prostitutes.

In Jakarta anything can become money. So as long as they are not lazy, urbanites will still be able to get at least a bite of rice. It was much more difficult to find accommodation because it was limited and expensive for their size. If you don't have money and family or acquaintances to ride on, the alternative is to become squatters.

The location can be anywhere, including on the sidewalk of shops, under bridges, riverbanks, railroad sides, parks, and abandoned vacant lots. There, if they are lucky, they can build a makeshift hut made of cardboard, used plastic and rags.

Governor Ali Sadin had limited the flow of migrants to Jakarta. He encouraged the KTP raids. He also disciplines the squatters. These homeless people were netted and nurtured before being sent to other provinces as transmigrants. It turned out that this step then stalled. Why? Our people always have the intellect to manipulate anything. The mandatory Jakarta KTP program was ineffective because people could have the card by 'shooting'. Transmigration fees are expensive. Meanwhile, the group that left was always replaced by newcomers.

At that time the DKI Regional Government had also prepared a settlement for the homeless who were scratched. It turns out that people who are familiar with this land-floor and sky-roofed residence do not feel at home there. One by one they ran away on the grounds that the shelter was far from where they were looking for food. The local government finally stopped this program.

The New Order also collapsed in 1998. Since then until today the heads of state have alternated namely BJ Habibie, Abdurrachman Wahid, Megawati, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Joko Widodo. Since 1999, regional autonomy has been implemented in our country. It seems that this decentralization policy has never shifted Jakarta's position as the center of all things, especially the economy. Naturally, the flow of migrants continues to this second.

According to the 2010 population census, the population of Jakarta is 9.58 million, Surabaya 2.94 million, Medan 2.49 million, and Bandung 2.39 million. Jabotabek's own population at that time was 28 million. We need to remember that many residents of Bogor, Tangerang and Bekasi work in Jakarta. So, from morning to evening, the humans who are in the capital every day far exceed 9.58 million. Indeed, Jakarta has become the largest mega city in Southeast Asia!

From 15 October 2012 to 16 October 2014 Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) served as Governor and Deputy Governor of DKI. This duo made a number of major breakthroughs in the Capital. Among them: fixing the Pluit reservoir and the Tanah Abang market, and reducing flooding and congestion. They also arranged villages, markets, and sidewalks that became places for traders, as well as built flats.

Starting from 19 November 2014, Basuki Tjahja Purnama became Governor replacing Joko Widodo who was elected President. He is paired with Djarot Saiful Hidayat. The improvement of Jakarta, which has a population of around 10.2 million, continues. The couple is running a number of projects whose goals include: cleaning rivers, reducing congestion, making public transport friendlier, and building rusunawa.

In improving the city, many poor people have been displaced from their homes. Some of them were transferred to simple flats. But that didn't solve the problem.

Flats
Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama once said that the DKI Regional Government was decades late in building flats. It was too late, he said, still problematic, namely that the building that was built by the government for the underprivileged turned out to be a commodity too. The traded infrastructure is owned simple flats (rusunami), not simple rent flats (rusunawa).

In subsequent developments he ordered the termination of the construction of the rusunami. On the other hand, he really encourages the Rusunawa project. On various occasions he has promoted this facility as something that is suitable for housing for the dispossessed because it is cheap. The rent is only Rp. 5,000 per day or Rp. 150,000 per month. Residents just accept it. If the door hinges are damaged or the wall paint is faded, for example, the manager will clean it up.

At home, the money is Rp. 150,000 — a month's rent — is nothing for the cost of maintaining such a building.
Most of the income of the poor in Jakarta is used to pay for rent and transport. To reduce poverty, DKI Pemprov provides free flats and transportation. Social assistance (bansos) is used for that. In 2015 the social assistance for housing and free transportation is Rp. 3 trillion and in 2016 to Rp. 3.5 trillion.

For residents of the flat now shuttle school children and the internet is free. Students who are still students are given the Jakarta Smart Card (KJP) as well. For residents, a place of business was made and they were given a capital of Rp. 5 million-Rp. 10 million if the pay is smooth. Then for every 5,000 residents, there are 1 doctor, midwife, and nurse each. This service, he said, was like Grand Indonesia.

Feeder bus services already exist to a number of rusunawa (including Daan Mogot, Tambora, Kapuk Muara, Flamboyan (West Jakarta), Marunda, Budha Tzu Chi (North Jakarta), Cipinang Besar Selatan, Pulogebang, Pinus Elok, and Rawa Bebek ( East Jakarta) This transportation operates from 05.00 to 22.00. The residents of the flat do not need to pay, it is enough just to show their ID card — according to their address in the flat — to the staff on the bus.

In addition, the DKI Provincial Government also prepares cleaning services, security and cleanliness in the flat. There is also early childhood education (PAUD), clinic, posyandu, nursing room, children's play area, jogging track, and garden.

The DKI Provincial Government is not playing games in the preparation of the flat. In 2016 they were speeding up to complete this infrastructure in 8 points, namely KS Tubun, Rawa Buaya Assistance Site (West Jakarta); Rawa Bebek, Cakung Barat, Jatinegara Kaum, Jalan Bekasi Km 2, and Pinus Elok (East Jakarta); and Marunda (North Jakarta). The target is the building there, covering 2,394 klar units in 2016.

This facility is intended to accommodate those who lost their homes due to government projects; evicted and relocated, especially. The number of units is of course not sufficient. Therefore, it is planned that until 2017 similar buildings will have 50,000 units available in 39 points in this province.

Even though he was chasing the broadcast, Ahok was not willing to compromise on what he considered incompetence in the project. Out of the expectations of many, he ordered the termination of 5 flat-bed projects, namely those in Cakung Barat, Jalan Bekasi KM 2, Rawa Bebek, Semper and Marunda. Why? The project, according to him, is very problematic. He referred to the findings of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government Inspectorate Team.

The Inspectorate Team assessed that the buildings in these 5 points did not match the bestek. "The period of clothes or t-shirts stuck to the castings and the wood going to the poles," said Head of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government (Pemprov) Housing and Regional Government Building Agency, Arifin, to Jaring. The guardrail also swayed, namely in the West Cakung flat.

To audit the flat, Governor Basuki said to reporters at that time, the DKI Provincial Government will collaborate with the Ministry of Public Works and Public Housing. If the audit results show that the building is feasible, then the project will continue. At that time he also mentioned that he had informally reported this case to the National Police and the KPK.

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If the auditors confirm the findings of the Inspectorate Team, this case is truly an astonishing scandal. This is because the developers who handle projects are not new players in the composing world. They are PT Padimun Golden (Rusunawa Cakung Barat and Jl. Bekasi Km.2, with a contract value of Rp. 99.5 billion), PT. Marlanco (Semper Supported Flat, Rp. 76.5 billion), PT Permata Dwi Lestari (Rawa Bebek flat, Rp. 87.55 billion).

PT Padimun Golden was the company with the most wins in the flat development projects in DKI in the 2012-2016 period. They received 6 flat construction packages with a total contract value of Rp. 236.07 billion.

The owner of PT Padimun Golden is the older brother of the owner of PT Marlanco. PT Permata Dwilestari and PT Ganiko Adiperkasa, the shares are owned by the same person. Last year, PT Ganiko Adiperkasa won a package for the construction of the Rawa Bebek Flats, with a contract value of Rp. 35.63 billion.

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With such a track record, it would be surprising if they manipulated cast-cast materials by inserting t-shirts, wood, and so on. Usually, if the developer is naughty, it is the cement mixture that is diluted, not inappropriate material is included. What the hell happened?

The net tries to verify by gathering information from related parties. It turns out that these developers tend to avoid it when we meet. In their office there is no authority to interview. It was only a supervisor at PT Ganiko Adiperkasa who wanted to talk and that too was perfunctory.

He only stated that their work was always in accordance with the standard operating procedure (SOP) and was always approved by the supervisory consultant. After some hiccups, the five projects finally got a bright spot. The changing political constellation in Jakarta is the determinant.

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, who stopped this project, has resigned as regional head because he was a contestant in the DKI Regional Election, February 15 2017. His temporary replacement as governor is Sumarsono. On December 5, 2016, the Acting Governor of DKI Jakarta told the mass media that the construction of the five problematic flats would be continued in early 2017.

According to the inspectorate's audit results, according to him, the five projects were worth continuing. The remaining time this year is not enough, so construction will continue in early 2017. The administrative process will quickly be completed in January-February.
The DKI Regional Government, he said, will auction off the remainder of this project. As for the blacklisted developers, they are not allowed to participate in the auction.

In the Paripurba Meeting room of the DKI Jakarta DPRD building, on Monday (19/12), the Acting Head (Plt) of the Governor of DKI Jakarta, Sumarsono, again spoke about the flat. He said that the 2017 DKI Regional Budget is mainly for infrastructure. In the infrastructure environment, flat is the largest recipient of funds, namely Rp. 5 trillion, or an increase of Rp. 1.9 trillion from 2016. These funds were used to build 11,105 units. So far, 14,900 flat-bed units have been built in DKI. 16,000 units are currently being built.

It is clear that the DKI Regional Government will continue to pursue the target of presenting the flat at 39 points in the 2016-2017 period. That this project was questioned by various groups, including those who were relocated there, does not appear to be making the authorities' steps recede. I don't know if Ahok will be able to occupy the position of governor of DKI again.

The provincial government of DKI has prepared a flat with decent facilities. Likewise, many residents still complain there. Their main problem is related to money. Where now they have to pay rent. Even though it is not big, it is burdensome because now they are too confused to find a bite of rice. Currently, the total arrears of flat rental in DKI are Rp. 22 billion [Kompas, 29 December 2016].

Being displaced from their old habitat has left them feeling awkward and alienated. To be able to adapt, of course they need time. What Governor Basuki Tjahja Purnama has done - placing the urban poor in flats - has actually been done by Governor Ali Sadikin. As already mentioned in the forefront, Ali Sadikin then stopped his program because one by one the poor people then left the apartment because they felt far from where they were to make a living.

Will something similar happen to rusunawa? It could be that if the rent is still charged to residents and promising livelihood fields and is close to where they live, the DKI authorities will not prepare them. The local government of DKI needs to think about this.

In fact, the rusunawa is only one of the alternatives that can be chosen by the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government in dealing with the housing of the urban poor in its region. The alternative could be village improvement and village revitalization. The first one is actually familiar to the Betawi people. Meanwhile, the last one took place at Kali Code, Yogyakarta.

Kampung Improvement
In the Dutch East Indies era, the indigenous villages were scattered throughout Batavia. There lived many poor Chinese, Arabs and Eurasians (indo). Slum and always overshadowed by the problem of clean water and sanitation, infectious diseases often spread there; the end is death.

For the record, in 1926 the death rate in the Dutch East Indies was high, namely 40 (per 1,000 people) for natives and 39 for Chinese. These indigenous villages often burned too, while in close proximity to European settlements and workplaces. Naturally, the latter is often anxious.

In the City Council and the People's Council (Volkskraad) the vulnerability of indigenous villages is on the agenda for discussion. An idea emerged to improve the area where the commoners lived. The main objective is so that it is no longer a threat to European settlements.

The City of Batavia finally took action. They run a village improvement program (kampoengverbetering). The point is the construction of paved roads and trails equipped with gutters. In 1921-1936, repairs to 308 hectares of the village were carried out.

A neat and clean village has a negative impact on poor local residents. Rental costs and land prices soared as good roads cut through the villages. No longer able to pay rents to houses or land to the owners — Chinese, Arabs, and a few natives — settlers with weak economies were forced to move to other places further away from their workplaces.

If they are unable to meet the municipal standards, the owner of the house must accept the harsh reality: his property is razed to the land by government officials. In fact it is Europeans who benefit most from kampoengverbetering [Susan Blackburn, Jakarta 400 Years History — Bamboo Community, 2011].

After 1936, the government did not re-establish a village in the capital, which had been named Jakarta since the Japanese occupation in 1942. It was only after Ali Sadikin led the program that this program was held again.

Lieutenant General KKO Ali Sadikin was inaugurated as Governor of DKI on April 28, 1966. At that time the population in this province was around 3.6 million; whereas in 1945 there were still around 600,000. If only these residents were prosperous, no problem. In reality, no less than 60% of them are poor and live in slum areas with a density of 400-600 people per hectare. Their children who are of age 60% do not go to school.

As regional head Bang Ali doesn't like to stand idly by. He is diligent in visiting his residents, including those in the 'rombeng' villages. He saw there how poor they were. The most unlucky ones resided in makeshift shacks made of cardboard. Very fragile of course the "building" especially when it rains. Clean water is scarce. A place for bathing — washing — latrines (MCK) without water.

Even if it is not the hut where they live together, the walls are covered with plywood and zinc. The front directly faces the latrine. Fixing a city that looks like it is not orderly is the main agenda for Bang Ali as regional head. Repairing his village was included in the list of 6 vital projects for DKI in 1968-1969. This program is in 3rd place, after road repair (1st) and construction of buildings (2nd).

The short budget was a major obstacle for the previous regional heads so that it seemed they were unable to handle Jakarta. To get funds, the former Minister of Sea Transportation in Soekarno's cabinet made a number of creative maneuvers.

Taxes, for example, he boosted, especially in the business world. As compensation he also provides various incentives to taxpayers. Later he also legalized gambling so that it became a sizable source of regional income (29% from the DKI budget at its peak, 1968).

In 1969, after taking care of city facilities and infrastructure, Bang Ali started working on settlements for the poor. Village improvements — as had been done by the Dutch East Indies rulers in the 1920s and 1930s, called kampoengverbetering — he did, not procure houses for them. Costs are considered.

Village improvements are cheaper. The average cost is Rp. 5,000 per head; meanwhile, for housing repairs around Rp. 200,000. According to the availability of funds, this program is planned to take place in 3 Pelita (3 × 5 years). The village priorities that will be addressed are the ones with the worst, densest, oldest, and the most potential for the residents to care for and develop after the renovation.

In practice, the scope of this project is broad. Not only repairing residents' residences, but also fixing if not preparing: bridges, electric transformers, sewer connections, water pipes, hydrants, waterwheels, drilled wells, garbage bins, garbage carts, traffic signs, shower-wash-latrines (MCK) , puskesmas, and elementary schools.

Governor Ali Sangkan issued a decree in September 1973 to name this village improvement the 'Muhammad Husni Thamrin Project'. During Pelita I (1970-1975) the villages repaired 87 were located in the city center with an average density of 500 people per hectare. Most of them were built before 1956, on this 2,400 hectare area home to about 1.2 million inhabitants.

The World Bank was so impressed that it helped the MH Thamrin Project. To finance the second half of the second phase they provide a 15 year loan at an interest rate of 8.5% per annum. The grace period for not paying the principal and interest installments (grace period) is 5 years. Thanks to this assistance, the clar program did not reach 3 Pelita. At the end of the 2nd Pelita work was done. Until 1975/1976, 166 villages had been repaired in an area of 4,694 hectares with a population of 1,965,000. The total cost is almost Rp. 22.5 billion or Rp. 11,000 per head [Gita Jaya, Pemda DKI, 1977 and Ramadhan KH, Bang Ali — For the sake of Jakarta 1966-1977 — Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1993].

The results of the village improvement are real The residents' health is improving. More children who attend school. In addition, the local economy is also growing because many houses have multiple functions: boarding houses or warungs. The United Nations is also promoting this project as a slum improvement model for the rest of the world.

The slum village in the middle of the city does not have to be eliminated in the name of aesthetics, hygiene, and so on. It can be maintained as long as it is repaired, as did Tatapraja Batavia or Governor Ali Sadikin. It can also be revitalized. What Romo Mangunwidjaja has done at Kali Code, Yogyakarta, is one of the best examples.

In 1980 Romo Mangun — a Catholic clergyman who was also an architect, writer, and humanitarian activist — stopped being a lecturer at the UGM Department of Architecture. After 12 years as a lecturer, he resigned for reasons: there are no serious problems in the world of architecture; while in other fields, many are included in the realm of the urban poor.

Apart from stopping being a lecturer, he also moved residence. From the Yogya parish he turned to a black area called Kali Code. The riverbank that divides the city is under the Gondolayu bridge. From Tugu, the icon which is right in front of the train station, this place is actually close. Likewise, the residents who walk around Jl. Malioboro and Jl. Sultan Agung, rarely set foot there.

To them the slum is creepy. The inhabitants are indeed the urban poor and criminal groups: scavengers, beggars, buskers, hawkers, pickpockets, garong, and thugs (dug). As is usually the case where the same kind of people live in any hemisphere, there is an emergency situation. The materials are used plywood, cardboard and plastic to block water from the sky.

In coordination with local residents, in 1983 Romo Mangun began to build buildings there. A large house with many insulation and a meeting hall that he presented. What materials are there: bamboo and wood. Zinc roofed, the walls are gedeg [woven bamboo]. In order to make the building stronger, he also used clay, bricks and concrete bricks.

Over time, the unpretentious building in the shape of the letter A added to it. Line up following the contours of the land, the arrangement. Romo Mangun involved art students in this revitalization project. Together with residents, the campus people covered the walls of the building with resident puspa. To make it more beautiful, they added murals. The Kali Code settlement has become neat and beautiful. Education also takes place every day. A number of communities that were embraced by the novelist trilogy writer Roro Mendut, Genduk Duku, and Lusi Lindri were active there as teachers. Facilities for that are prepared.

Halfway house, that's the position of the colorful residence in Kali Code. The residents agree that these rooms are only used by those who really need them. If they have a family they will leave there. If they already have sustenance, without even waiting to get married, they will leave it. So, the owner is not an individual but a community.

As it was being conjured up, the Kali Code area, which had been shabby and creepy, turned into a beautiful and friendly place, so that Yogya residents boasted about it. Apparently, likewise, in 1985 the Regional Government of Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) decided to get rid of the settlement. The reason is that the riverbanks will be turned into a green area.

Of course the local residents and Romo Mangun disagreed. Architect who graduated from Rhein High School of Engineering, Westfalen, Aachen, Germany (1966) struggled to thwart the demolition. The climax was when he announced he was going on a hunger strike. Support from the wider community also flowed to him. The DIY regional government finally failed to destroy the unique building in Code River.

To this day, the results of Romo Mangun's revitalization are still intact there, no less interesting than the rusunawa that has enlivened Yogya. Age is eating away at him. Romo Mangun himself passed away in February 1999. In 1992 the priest who wrote the book Introduction to Building Physics (1980) and Wastu Citra (1988) received a prestigious award in the field of architecture, Aga Khan, thanks to his creation at Kali Code.

Like in Code River, on the banks of Kali Brantas, Malang, there is now a slum area that has turned into a colorful village. Jodipan, the name suggests, the urban poor settlement is now a popular tourist destination in the city of apples.

Jodipan juggling was initiated by 8 students majoring in Communication Science, University of Muhammadiyah Malang (UMM) who were carrying out field practices. To realize the idea, they then took a paint maker, Indana Paint. The paint donated by this company was then used to paint all the earthy buildings along the riverbanks, in June 2016.

Unlike Romo Mangun at Kali Code who rearranged the entire area and its sanitation system, UMM students and residents just painted Jodipan into colors. Likewise, the presence of a colorful area like the one in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, has attracted the attention of many people including tourists. The residents then imposed an entrance fee of Rp. 2,000 for every guest who comes there. They then use the money to slowly fix the sanitation system.

It is clear that to deal with the swamp of problems related to the settlement of the urban poor, Jakarta can take various steps. Building a simple rental apartment is not the only option available. (Net Team)

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